Sunday, March 29, 2020

The Farhud: The Massacre that Ended Iraq’s 2,600-Year-Old Jewish Community?

The Farhud: The Massacre that Ended Iraq’s 2,600-Year-Old Jewish Community?


The unprovoked massacre of Jewish men, women, and children in Baghdad in 1941 known as “The Farhud” is perhaps the most significant event in the final chapter of the history of Iraqi Jewry. Read on to learn more about the episode, and make sure to check out this article describing how and why the Jewish community in Iraq came to an end.
Up until midway through the 19th century, the Iraqi Jewish community was one of the oldest continuous communities in the world and the oldest such community outside of Israel, with a proud history spanning over 2,600 years. Today, fewer than ten Jews remain in the country. While there are many reasons for the decimation of this community, one event in particular stands out: The Farhud, the unprovoked massacre of Jewish Iraqis by their fellow compatriots in a frenzy of nationalist, pro-Nazi rage.

A Brief History of the Jewish Community in Iraq

The experiences of the Jewish people in Iraq over history were varied, with periods of persecution and horrific attacks, as well as times of relative calm and somewhat tolerable conditions. Although there had been numerous instances of violence against Jews during their long history in the land under various regimes, including pogroms, decrees ordering the destruction of synagogues in Iraq, and occasional forced conversion to Islam, by the end of the 19th century, conditions were significantly better, although still far from perfect.
Under centuries of Islamic rule, Jews were subjugated and classified as dhimmi (‘protected person’) and were required to pay taxes, sometimes exorbitantly high. Failure to do so could result in death, or the death of a community representative. As the Ottoman empire began to crumble, however, reforms introduced led to Jews receiving a greater degree of equality, a process hastened by the subsequent era of British colonialism.
During the 19th century, Baghdad emerged as a strong Jewish and economic center as the influence of the Jewish families of Aleppo, who had dominated the Jewish communities of the Middle East over the previous century, waned. The Iraqi Jewish population grew so rapidly that by 1884, there were 30,000 Jews in Baghdad. By 1900, the number had risen to 50,000, with Jews representing over a quarter of the city’s total population.

The Jewish community of Baghdad specifically was a magnificent, educated and somewhat prosperous one. Iraqi Jews were well-integrated, working as lawyers, musicians, economists, accountants, academics, artists, and intellectuals, forming a community that was an integral part of Iraqi culture and history.
Jews were represented in Iraqi politics and administration, with numerous Jews holding significant bureaucratic positions key positions in public office, a fact resented by their Muslim compatriots. Most prominent was Sir Sassoon Eskell (also known as Yehezkel Sassoon), a Jew who served as Iraq’s first Finance Minister between 1920 and 1925. Regarded in Iraq as the Father of Parliament, Sassoon was a permanent Member of Parliament of the Kingdom of Iraq, serving five times under various governments until his death, and took an active role in founding the nascent Iraqi government’s taxation laws, financial structure, and modern economy. Baghdad was also home to some of the foremost Jewish religious scholars in the Middle East, such as Joseph Hayyim ben Eliahu Mazal-Tov, known as the Ben Ish Chai (1834–1909) and Rabbi Abdallah Somekh (1813-1889).
The Jews’ success at integrating into Iraqi society was tempered by the fact that they were still seen as outsiders by many of their Muslim neighbors, the discrimination of classical antisemitism remaining a significant impediment to Jews. This was exacerbated with Jews being beneficiaries of British imperialism and colonialism.
Jews were perceived as benefiting materially from the British empire’s colonialism, even though they frequently found themselves in competition with the British for trade. In this context, Jews were often associated with the much-resented British. Similarly, when Jews officially received equal rights in 1922, after Iraq fell under the British Mandate, this did not lead to a parallel rise in social status. Instead, the emancipation of the Jews precipitated a surge in tensions between the Muslim majority and the Jewish minority.
At the same time, with nationalism a rising force around the world, Arab nationalism became increasingly influential across the region, leaving Jews excluded. The growing sway of Zionism fed into the exclusivist Arab national identity and politics.

Building Tensions

Over the following decade, a number of factors came together to undermine the position of the Jewish community and lead to the Farhud.
The first of these was the ongoing conflict between the Jews and the Muslims in Mandatory Palestine. Whereas Iraqis previously tended to regard Jews as fellow Arabs, their views shifted as nationalism gained currency and Jews came to be increasingly regarded as outsiders. The creation of pro-Zionist organizations in Iraq and the resulting anti-Zionist pushback against the campaign for Jewish national liberation served to expose the growing divisions between Arabs and Jews.
Despite protesting their loyalty to Iraq, Iraqi Jews increasingly faced discrimination and anti-Jewish actions. In 1934, dozens of Jews were dismissed from government positions, and unofficial quotas were instituted limiting the number of Jews that could be appointed in the civil service or admitted to secondary schools and colleges.
Another significant factor was the steady drip of pro-Nazi propaganda. Between 1932 and 1941, Dr. Fritz Grobba was appointed as the German ambassador to the Kingdom of Iraq and was sent to Baghdad. Fluent in both Turkish and Arabic, Grobba expanded Iraq’s military and cultural ties to Nazi Germany, worked tirelessly to build connections with Iraq’s elites, and was responsible for the spread of German propaganda in the country. During his stint, the German embassy acquired the Christian newspaper Al-Alam Al-Araby (The Arab World). Apart from publishing regular propaganda, the paper also serialized an Arabic translation of Adolf Hitler’s Mein Kampf starting in October 1933.
The intensified hatred of Jews was allied by a swell in resentment against the exploitative British. Jews, already associated with the British in the eyes of the local populace, were regarded as targets for the discontent of the population. Following the failure of the 1936-39 Arab revolt in Palestine, numerous Palestinian leaders exiled by the British authorities made their way to Iraq, where they lent support to local anti-British nationalists, and worked assiduously to whip up hostility towards the local Jewish population and the Jewish leadership in the Holy Land. In later years, unfounded rumors swirled that the Jews were part of the British war effort and aiding British propaganda.
Chief among these provocateurs was Mufti Haj Amin al-Husseini of Jerusalem, who arrived in Baghdad in 1939 after evading a British arrest warrant by disguising himself as a woman and crossing into Lebanon. He was warmly received in the Kingdom of Iraq, and honored generously with gifts and money.
Al-Husseini saw Nazi Germany as a “defender of the Muslim world” and regarded the Jews as “dangerous enemies.” In a letter dated to 1941, al-Husseini told Hitler about the Arab people’s admiration for him and the German people, and thanked him for his concern about the Palestinian cause. Al-Husseini worked hard to curry the favor of the Germans, and their representative in Iraq, Ambassador Grobba, receiving great sums of money.
Over the years following his arrival in Iraq, al-Husseini raised funds from the government, political parties and charitable organizations for the Palestinian Arabs’ cause, becoming a key figure in the Iraqi government and gaining influence among politicians and senior officials. A key promoter of the pan-Arab Al-Muthanna Club, al-Husseini fostered nationalist sentiments and anti-Jewish intolerance, depicting Jews as untrustworthy and enemies of Islam.
Al-Husseini became a powerful influencer in the Iraqi government and was given control of the official media in Iraq. Al-Husseini exerted his influence and used his contacts with the Germans to promote Arab nationalism in Iraq. Al-Husseini’s links with the Nazis intensified the spread of anti-Semitic propaganda throughout Iraq via both public broadcasting and also the dissemination of Nazi German propaganda and messages in the Iraqi parliament and among government officials. Pro-Nazi propaganda and violent incitement against Jews began to be broadcast regularly on radio in Arabic. In time, this was followed by race laws against the Jews, mass dismissal from public posts, discrimination and harassment in the streets.
The extent to which the local population accepted Nazi beliefs is a matter of debate, but it is clear that a pro-Nazi foreign policy was supported by some of the population, while an even greater proportion of the population held antisemitic views and supported discriminatory policies against Iraq’s Jews. Whether or not Nazi values found common support among Iraqis, it is clear that there were shared interests and agreement over certain policies.
Al-Husseini Meets with Hitler months after the Farhud
Al-Husseini Meets with Hitler months after the Farhud

The Anti-British Coup

In April 1941, Iraq’s pro-British government led by Regent ‘Abd al-Ilah was ousted in a coup d’état and the pro-Nazi Rashid Ali al-Gaylani was installed Prime Minister.
According to historian Orit Bashkin, the coup enjoyed widespread public support, especially in Baghdad:
“The government seemed to have enjoyed a great deal of popular support in Baghdad, and was hailed by many intellectuals, who saw in the Kaylani movement a national and patriotic act of defiance against Britain and its influence in Iraq. Groups and individuals ranging from the communists to Haj Amin al-Husayni, who disagreed on almost every political issue, all backed the regime. Their reasons for doing so naturally varied greatly: some saw the Kaylani government as leading the fight against colonialism, while others hoped for a more sympathetic attitude toward Germany. All, apparently, yearned for the departure of the British after two long decades of interference in Iraqi affairs.”
The Arab nationalists’ joy was to be short-lived. Al-Gaylani sent his military to conquer a minor British Royal Air Force base housing a non-operational flight training center manned by cadets and equipped with barely-serviceable planes. What should have been an easy mission failed miserably, with al-Gaylani’s army left humiliated.
Fuming at the rebellion, Britain declared war and, with British troops advancing on Baghdad, swiftly regained control after al-Gaylani fled to Iran on May 30. However, there was a power vacuum before the resumption of British control, and an atmosphere of lawlessness prevailed.
With the outrage of Arab nationalists and Nazi sympathizers at seeing Jews excitedly welcome Regent ‘Abd al-Ilah’s return to Iraq, these factors combined to form a potent cocktail in June 1941. The anti-German stance of the Jewish community was hardly a secret, but seeing the Jews warmly welcome back the pro-British al-Ilah confirmed the nationalists’ suspicions that they supported opposing sides.
On the backdrop of the power vacuum in between the failed coup and the resumption of British control, this outrage was able to swiftly transform into a brutal, large-scale attack on the Jews.
According to some, the violence started spontaneously when Jews met with the returning regent, an act that infuriated local Arab nationalists. Others believe that the rioting was set off by anti-Jewish preaching in a nearby mosque, and that the violence was premeditated rather than an unprompted outburst. Whatever the immediate spark, the carnage that was subsequently unleashed was the product of years of the legitimization of antisemitism, and extensive incitement. The resulting pogrom is now commonly known by its Arabic name: al-Farhud.

The Farhud Erupts: “Our Neighbors Became Our Enemies”

According to numerous testimonies, several days before the Shavuot holiday of 1941, Jewish homes and properties were marked with a red ‘Hamsa’ (palm print) by members of the al-Futuwa youth, a Hitler Youth-style nationalistic pan-Arab fascist movement.
Noting that only Jewish-owned properties were targeted, the Jewish community turned to local Arab dignitaries, who arranged for security teams to protect the properties. Others offered their homes to Jews.
As Jews in Baghdad left synagogue on the eve of the Shavuot festival on June 1, a crowd began to riot in the streets with batons, daggers and swords, first pouncing on the Jews and then moving on to lay waste to Jewish properties and a synagogue.
They were joined by students and policemen who opened fire with their weapons. The rioters set upon Jews passing by; kidnapping, cutting off organs, raping women, looting Jewish shops, burning holy books, leaving behind a trail of blood, destroyed property, and body parts in the streets.


Many of the Jewish houses and shops marked in red were ransacked as entire families were murdered. Jews who tried to escape in taxis and minibuses were pulled out of the vehicles in the middle of the city and slaughtered. Synagogue windows were smashed, Torah scrolls desecrated, crazed mobs chased Jews with daggers and swords, and armed police joined the massacre.
Survivors testified of policemen breaking into houses and slaughtering Jews, cutting off limbs and looting jewelry. Men had their genitals cut off and stuffed in their mouths. Women were raped and had their bellies slashed while still alive. Children were thrown into the river and wells. People were thrown off rooftops and the crazed mob delighted in hearing the pained cries of the stricken and tormented Jews.
We Remember the Farhud
Jews speaking not long after the Farhud described how “our neighbors became our enemies,” as Jewish homes were broken into and entire families were slaughtered.
Amidst all the savage butchering and wicked attacks, however, it’s important to mention another aspect of the Farhud: During this massacre, a number of Muslims attempted to help their Jewish neighbors, inviting Jews into their homes and providing them with food and shelter. The places where most Jews were killed were those where they lived in self-segregated areas. Jews who lived in mixed Muslim-Jewish neighborhoods, on the other hand, had a much higher chance of surviving –– often because of the bravery of their Muslim neighbors.
As terrible crimes took places, Muslims pretended to live in Jewish homes in order to look after the properties and shield the Jewish homeowners. Policemen were bribed to guard Jews. Some brought food to the hidden Jews, others threatened attackers with guns, and in at least one case, a 70-year-old woman invited all her Jewish neighbors to take shelter in her home.
Mordechai Ben-Porat, a Jew who later rose to prominence as a pro-Zionist leader, and who went on to serve as a minister in the Israeli government, described his experiences:
We were mostly cut off from the center of the Jewish community and our Muslim neighbors became our friends. It was because of one Muslim neighbor, in fact, that we survived the Farhud. We had no weapons to defend ourselves and were utterly helpless. We put furniture up against the doors and windows to prevent the rioters from breaking in. Then, Colonel Arif’s wife came rushing out of her house with a grenade and a pistol and shouted at the rioters, ‘If you don’t leave, I will explode this grenade right here!’ Her husband was apparently not home and she had either been instructed by him to defend us or decided on her own to help. They dispersed, and that was that – she saved our lives.
A number of those who defended Jews were also attacked, sometimes putting their lives on the line in doing so.
For two days, the streets flowed with blood. The cries of the Jews were heard all over the city, their torn bodies, limp children, and burning holy books and finally bodies piled up in a huge mass grave. As well as Jews being killed and wounded, many hundreds of Jewish-owned properties were destroyed with around 1,500 homes and stores broken into, ransacked, and set ablaze. Damages to property were estimated at some $3 million (US$ 51 million in 2019).

Despite British forces arriving outside Baghdad, the rampage went on unabated. An investigation by Sunday Times journalist Tony Rocca ascribes the blame for the delay until order was restored to a personal decision by the then-British Ambassador to Iraq, Kinahan Cornwallis, who denied requests from officials to put an end to the mob violence, as well as direct orders from British Prime Minister Winston Churchill. “To Britain’s shame, the army was stood down while hundreds of Jews were killed,” Rocca wrote. A number of testimonies indicate that the British may have deliberately delayed their entry into Baghdad for two days so as to allow the clash between different sectarian populations to continue for a while.
Late on June 2, 1941, the rampage was finally brought to an end after two days of wanton bloodletting and thuggery. Apart from coming under pressure from the British to restore calm, the Iraqi authorities also acted out of concern that opportunist looters arriving from outside Baghdad would be less discerning in who they targeted, and would loot without discriminating between Jews and non-Jews.

Disputed Numbers: How Many Died in the Farhud?

Due to the nature of the incident and the absence of reliable records, the exact number of Jews killed is unknown. The State of Israel’s own figures are based on data received from the Iraqi authorities, which may not be accurate. Figures at Yad Vashem speak of 179 murdered, over 2,000 wounded, at least 200 orphaned children, and property looted from some 50,000 Jews. An Israeli activist reported in 2017 that Yad Vashem officials admit to having never thoroughly investigated the episode due to a lack of demand, and that the numbers the organization has are unverified and based on incomplete records.
Recently, evidence has come to light suggesting that the true number of dead might be significantly higher.  Some independent researchers estimate that hundreds of Jews were killed. For example, famed British historian Elie Kedourie estimated that some 600 were murdered. The Israeli-based Babylonian Heritage Museum maintains that in addition to 180 identified victims, around another 600 unidentified ones were buried in a mass grave.
According to one document written a month-and-a-half after the Farhud, there were 120 Jewish patients reportedly murdered by poison injections in a hospital, over 1000 murdered and missing persons, and thousands of refugees left homeless.
It’s unclear whether this is speculation or just the tip of the iceberg. The sad truth is that the subject has never been extensively, professionally researched.

The Aftermath of the Farhud

The Farhud massacre heightened the already existing unease among the Jews of Baghdad. Thousands left the city and only returned when they heard that the situation had improved. In response to their concerns, Zionist emissaries were dispatched from Palestine to teach Iraqi Jews self-defense, which they were eager to learn. A Jewish self-defense organization, the Iraqi ‘Haganah’ was established. The Haganah was a visible sign that the Jews’ relatively safe situation had disintegrated and that Iraqi Jewry required physical protection.
For its part, the monarchist government acted quickly to suppress supporters of Rashid Ali. Dozens of Iraqis were exiled as a result, and hundreds were jailed. Several were sentenced to death by the newly established pro-British Iraqi government for their roles in the Farhud violence.
Despite these positive moves, the damage was irrevocable and caused a significant shift in the Jewish community’s mentality. According to many historians, more than any other episode, the Farhud set in motion the chain of events leading to the eventual downfall of Iraqi Jewry.
The Farhud’s effects were far-reaching. The first pogrom in Iraq for a century, it called into question whether Iraqi Jews could continue to regard themselves at home. Speaking about how the pogrom’s effect on Iraqi Jewry, Yitzhak Bezalel stated: “Many Jews began to reconsider their situation and some decided to emigrate… illegal immigration to Eretz Israel began to increase.”
In the decades following the Farhud, thousands of Iraqi Jews emigrated to India, following a trade route that a century earlier was familiar to their Jewish ancestors, many of whom worked in the traffic of merchandise, leading to the establishment of Jewish communities in Calcutta, Bombay and Surat by Iraqi Jews in the 19th century.
While it’s tempting to read history as a linear path, the Farhud did not automatically lead to a mass emigration to Israel. Whereas some younger activists turned to radical alternatives such as communism and Zionism, these voices were opposed by many of their elders. Many Iraqi Jews had no desire to leave the only country they ever knew, and initially disregarded the possibility of immigration to Israel after the danger subsided. The events of the coming years, however, made clear that the position of the Jews in Iraq had been rendered untenable.
After Israel’s establishment, many countries across the Middle East made clear that their Jewish populations were no longer welcome, with draconian laws, spurious arrests and other forms of harassment increasingly common. On this backdrop, the nascent Israeli state opened negotiations with the Iraqi government regarding the future of Iraqi Jews. Fearing another Holocaust in the Middle East, Israel struck a deal with Iraq in which Jews could leave the country but leave the vast majority of their property and money behind.
Within just over a decade of the barbaric Farhud pogrom, almost all the Jews remaining in Iraq had fled, thus ending their community’s illustrious 2,600-year history.
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Featured Image: Otniel Margalit collection, photo archive, Yad Ben Zvi

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