Tuesday, October 31, 2017

What Happened to the Jews of Medina aka Yathrib


What Happened to the Jews of Medina

Madinah Mosque


This is the story of the tragic end of the Jews of Medina. A case of ethnic cleansing, betrayal and genocide carried out by the Messenger of Allah (PBUH). The prophet raided the 2000 year old Jewish communities of Medina, killed their men, confiscated their properties, enslaved their wives and children and banished the unwanted with no provocation on the part of the Jews. The holy Prophet's sole motive was greed for their wealth and lust for their women.  
It is difficult for us to find the truth about what really happened to the Jewish inhabitants of Medina at the time of Muhammad. There are no independent sources and the Jews who where eventually exterminated by Muhammad left nothing for us to refer to. We are left only with the Muslim historians’ version, which obviously tell the story tainted with their fanatical faith to their prophet and their hatred of the Jews that is conspicuous in every sentence they wrote about them. 
Many Muslim apologists downplay the importance and the number of the Jews of Medina. Dr. A. Zahoor and Dr. Z. Haq writes, “History does not record much as to when first Jewish migration from north to Yathrib (Medina) began as their numbers remained small throughout their stay there. (1) 
Despite the fact that there are no independent sources by digging into the writings of the Muslim scholars and reading between the lines one can find some glimpses of what really happened here and there. Maududi, in his comments on the Surah 59 of Quran (2) reporting from Kitab al-Aghani, [a book of songs, an important source for information on medieval Islamic society, vol. xix, p. 94, by Abu al-Faraj Ali of Esfahan (897-967)] writes. 

Jewish settlement in Hijaz

 “The Jews of the Hejaz claimed that they had come to settle in Arabia during the last stage of the life of the Prophet Moses (peace be upon him). They said that the Prophet Moses had dispatched an army to expel the Amalekites from the land of Yathrib and had commanded it not to spare even a single soul of that tribe. The Israelite army carried out the Prophet's command, but spared the life of a handsome prince of the Amalekite king and returned with him to Palestine. By that time the Prophet Moses had passed away. His successors took great exception to what the army had done, for by sparing the life of an Amalekite it had clearly disobeyed the Prophet and violated the Mosaic Law. Consequently, they excluded the army from their community, and it had to return to Yathrib and settle there forever. Thus the Jews claimed that they had been living in Yathrib since about 1200 B.C. 
The second Jewish immigration, according to the Jews, took, place in 587 BC. when Nebuchadnezzer, the king of Babylon, destroyed Jerusalem and dispersed the Jews throughout the world. The Arab Jews said that several of their tribes at that time had come to settle in Wadi al-Qura, Taima, and Yathrib.(Al-Baladhuri, Futuh al-Buldan).” 
Maududi rejects both these claims and says that “these have in fact no historical basis and probably the Jews had invented this story in order to overawe the Arabs into believing that they were of noble lineage and the original inhabitants of the land.” 
However he maintains, “what is established is that when in A.D. 70 the Romans massacred the Jews in Palestine, and then in A.D. 132 expelled them from that land, many of the Jewish tribes fled to find an asylum in the Hejaz, a territory that was contiguous to Palestine in the south. There, they settled wherever they found water springs and greenery, and then by intrigue and through money lending business gradually occupied the fertile lands. Ailah, Maqna, Tabuk, Taima, Wadi al Qura, Fadak and Khaiber came under their control in that very period, and Bani Quraizah, Bani al-Nadir, Bani Bahdal, and Bani Qainuqa also came in the same period and occupied Yathrib.” 
Since there are no compelling historical evidences for us to accept Maududi’s version of the History we may as well conclude that Muslims (perhaps Maududi himself) invented this story in order to undermine “the noble lineage of the Jews as the original inhabitants of Yathrib”. It seems that the Jews, who were well established in Yathrib and by the very admission of Maududi were “practically the owners of this green and fertile land” (2) had little use for making such false claim about their origin. On the other hand Muslims whose enmity of the Jews dates back to the time of Muhammad and even a reputed scholar like Maududi cannot contain his hatred of them when he writes about them, are more likely to invent false stories to justify their expulsion and their ethnic cleansing of the Jews from their homeland.     
No matter what, Muslim historians admit that the Arab Jews, were living in Yathrib for centuries. “In the matter of language, dress, civilization and way of life they had completely adopted Arabism, even their names had become Arabian. Of the 12 Jewish tribes that had settled in Hejaz, none except the Bani Zaura retained its Hebrew name. Except for a few scattered scholars none knew Hebrew. In fact, there is nothing in the poetry of the Jewish poets of the pre-Islamic days to distinguish it from the poetry of the Arab poets in language, ideas and themes. They even inter-married with the Arabs. In fact, nothing distinguished them from the common Arabs except religion. Because of this Arabism the western orientalists have been misled into thinking that perhaps they were not really Israelites but Arabs who had embraced Judaism, or that at least majority of them consisted of the Arab Jews.” (2) 
Western orientalists may not be that far from the truth after all. Because even if originally the Jews migrated to Arabia, after centuries, or if we believe in the Jewish version of the history, close to 2000 years of intermarrying with Arabs, they must have become Arabs for all intent and purposes. 
Maududi writes, “No authentic history of the Arabian Jews exists in the world. They have not left any writing of their own in the form of a book or a tablet which might throw light on their past, nor have the Jewish historians and writers of the non-Arab world made any mention of them, the reason being that after their settlement in the Arabian peninsula they had detached themselves from the main body of the nation, and the Jews of the world did not count them as among themselves. For they had given up Hebrew culture and language, even the names, and adopted Arabism instead.” (2) 
Another reason that no authentic history of the Arabian Jews exists is because Muhammad exterminated all of them. Dead people are not known to write history. 
If the Jews were so Arabianized that they were indistinguishable from the rest of the Arabs, then perhaps the Jewish version of the history is more accurate and the Jews had settled in Arabia much earlier than the Muslim historians are willing to admit. But even if we had to accept the Muslim version of the history, we learn that these Jews made Arabia their home 500 years before the birth of Muhammad and they were as much entitled to their land (Yathrib) as anyone is to his native land.  

Other non-Jewish settlers. 

In A. D. 450 or 451, a great flood in Yaman forced different tribes of the people of Saba to migrate to other parts of Arabia. Among them Aus and the Khazraj went to settle in Yathrib. These two were big tribes yet they were unskilled people. Unlike the Jews who practically were the master of all trades, and the owners of most businesses, Arabs in Yathrib made their living serving the Jews in their farms and households. They were looked down at, by their Jewish masters and this was the cause of resentment 
Yet these two tribes could not see eye to eye and each sought the alliance of one of the Jewish tribes. This worked out well; since the Bani Qainuqa, was not on friendly terms with the other two Jewish tribes also. So Bani Qainuqa and Khazraj formed an alliance together and Bani Quraizah, Bani al-Nadir and Aus Joined their strength together. It is important to note that these feuds were not religiously motivated but were tribal skirmishes.
 Maududi comments, ”Because of this they (the Jews) had not only to take part in the mutual wars of the Arabs but they often had to go to war in support of the Arab tribe to which their tribe was tied in alliance against another Jewish tribe which was allied to the enemy tribe.” 
If we could see through the tick fog of prejudice that has shortened the vision of Muslim scholars, we can see, these tribes living in Medina were all Arabs, practicing different religions. And just as other tribes and nations anywhere in the world they had their skirmishes, but as the structure of their alliances suggest, their conflicts were not religiously motivated. This is extremely important. Tribal skirmishes are short lived but religious hatred never dies. It transcends time and space. As we shall see later, it was Muhammad who introduced the religious hatred. It is him who should be credited as the founder of religious intolerance in Arabia and perhaps the entire world. Muhammad is often hailed as the man who united warring Arab tribes. That may be true. But without him these tribes would have put aside their conflicts sooner or later, one way or another, just as other feuding tribes did eventually in other parts of the world. Almost everywhere, formerly hostile tribes have joined together to form stronger nations. Muhammad united the Arabs and turned them into a mighty force, which invaded other countries, devastating other civilizations and imposing their own language, culture and religion.
By embracing Islam Arabs benefited economically from their unity, yet the harm of religious hatred that Muhammad inflicted upon the entire humanity for centuries has outweighed all the good that the unity of few desert dwellers of Arabia might have brought to them.  

Migration to Medina

Arabs were always at war with each other. But among them, Meccans had an envious position. Ka’ba, the holy place of all the Arabs was in Mecca. It was a place for pilgrimage and that meant power and money for Meccans.  
When Abu Talib, Muhammad’s uncle and Khadija, his wife died he lost two of his most powerful supporters and the people of Mecca increased their hostility towards him. He recalled the offer of few men from Thaif who had told him if he made their town the holy place of his new religion, thus making it the religious and the commercial hub of his followers, the Bani Thaqif, people of Taif, might support his cause. So he and his adoptive son Zaid ibn Harith secretly went to Taif in 620 C.E. (Common Era) seeking the alliance of its inhabitants and promising them to make their city the holy place for the Muslims. But instead the Bani Thaqif mocked him and even his plea to keep their visit a secret was not granted. The leaders of Taif may have envied Mecca’s religious prestige but they did not wish to jeopardise their comfortable life for a risky adventure with an obscure religious pretender. 
When the Quraish learned of this they were enraged and they escalated their hostility to Muhammad until a couple of years later they decided to assassinate him. 
Muhammad learned of the plot against his life and escaped to Yathrib. In Yathrib he had some followers. They belonged to both Khazraj and Aus. These two tribes were weary of constant fighting and especially of a recent Battle (Bu’ath) that occurred among them. They were looking for a way to end the hostilities. So the leaders of both parties accepted Muhammad to act as the mediator among them.   

The Treaty

It was an Arab custom and it is also practiced everywhere else, even to this day, that two feuding parties agree on someone to act as the arbitrator. Muhammad who was at first considered to be an outsider and therefore impartial was called to act as an arbitrator in one of these conflicts. It is important to note that the conflict in Yathrib was not between Muslims and Jews; otherwise Muhammad could not have acted as the arbitrator. Also as we saw earlier there were no religious disagreements in Yathrib. However Jews were part of the treaty because of their alliances with the Arab tribes. 
This must have been a golden opportunity in the prophetic carrier of Muhammad, which changed his fortune and turned the odds in his favour. As part of the pledge, they were to protect the Prophet as they would protect their women and children if he were attacked by the Meccans. 
The numbers of the Muslims in Yathrib grow thanks to the tolerance of the Jews and their error in giving the immigrants a safe haven. Jews did not foresee that the man to whom they give asylum today would be so ungrateful that would turn against them and eventually would be the cause of their destruction. 
The treaty did not give Muslims a mandate to govern. Ibn Hisham reports part of that treaty. But as we shall see this treaty must have been forged. It states. 
"The Jews must bear their expenses and the Muslims their expenses. Each must help the other against anyone who attacks the people of this document. They must seek mutual advice and consultation, and loyalty is a protection against treachery. They shall sincerely wish one another well. Their relations will be governed by piety and recognition of the rights of others, and not by sin and wrongdoing. The wronged must be helped. The Jews must pay with the believers so long as the war lasts. Yathrib shall be a sanctuary for the people of this document. If any dispute or controversy likely to cause trouble should arise, it must be referred to God and to Muhammad the Apostle of God; Quraish and their helpers shall not be given protection. The contracting parties are bound to help one another against any attack on Yathrib; Every one shall be responsible for the defence of the portion to which he belongs" (lbn Hisham, vol. ii, pp. 147 to 150). 
There are several clues that make us realize that this treaty is altered. The most obvious is that the Jews could not have signed a document, which would have acknowledged Muhammad to be the Apostle of God. This would have meant acceptance of Muhammad’s claim by the Jews, which obviously never happened. So the above document is most likely forged. Also there are contradictions in the context of the document. It starts as a treaty signed by two sovereign nations (tribes) with equal rights and powers. However the phrases “The Jews must pay with the believers so long as the war lasts” and “If any dispute or controversy likely to cause trouble should arise, it must be referred to God and to Muhammad the Apostle of God;” contradict that notion of equality. 
These sentences are more likely inserted later. They give Muslims superiority, which is in conflict with the rest of the document that gives an impression of an agreement between two equals. But the most important point is how could Muhammad be the arbitrator if he is the beneficiary in this treaty? It is amazing that Muslim scholars have read this document for centuries and it has never occurred to them to ask how could Muhammad be the arbitrator if he is part of the treaty? But that is exactly the point. A religious mind is shackled. Although they would laugh if a similar story is said about another group, they do not seem to have any difficulty is accepting it when it is about their own religion.  
These are telltales that the above treaty is not authentic. Yet, since Muhammad and his ready-to-assassin followers destroyed the real document, along with the Jews who were a part of that treaty, we are left with nothing, but this lame document to find the truth. Which makes our task not unlike trying to find a needle in a haystack. 

Holy Wars!

After the incident of Badr that Muhammad’s men ambushed a merchant caravan, and brought the booty his fortunes changed. He was enriched by the stolen booty, and his popularity grew. He promised wealth and slave girls to those how took part in his armed robberies and paradise with houries and rivers of wine to those who were killed. For an ignorant fanatic and at the same time greedy Arab this was a proposition hard to resist. If he survived he would have his share of booty including women and if he died he would go to paradise and have more of the same plus the pleasure of Allah. It is interesting that the Arabs had some kind of decency when they captured married women but the prophet of Allah did away with that decency and proclaimed that it is lawful for a man to have sexual intercourse with a women captured in war. (Q. 4: 24Jews, having a religion of their own, could not accept Muhammad’s pretentious claim of prophethood. They probably derided at him and at his followers. This is perfectly understandable. How would Muslims react, if someone in their midst call himself a messenger of God and start a new religion? Does the persecution of the Baha'is give us a clue?

By: Ali Sina 

What Muhammad did to the Jews?


The Invasion of Banu Qainuqa
The Invasion of Bani Nadir
The Invasion of Banu Quraiza
Muhammad and The Jews of Medina aka Yathrib

Judaism was already well established in Medina two centuries before Muhammad's birth. Although influential, the Jews owned much propert but did not rule the oasis. Rather, they were clients of two large Arab tribes there, the Khazraj and the Aws Allah, who protected them in return for feudal loyalty. Medina's Jews were expert jewelers, and weapons and armor makers. There were many Jewish clans-some records indicate more than twenty, of which three were prominent-the Banu Nadir, the Banu Qaynuqa, and the Banu Qurayza.

Various traditions uphold different views, and it is unclear whether Medina's Jewish clans were Arabized Jews or Arabs who practiced Jewish monotheism. Certainly they were Arabic speakers with Arab names. They followed the fundamental precepts of the Torah, though scholars question their familiarity with the Talmud and Jewish scholarship, and there is a suggestion in the Qur'an that they may have embraced unorthodox beliefs, such as considering the Prophet Ezra the son of God.

There were rabbis among the Jews of Medina, who appear in Muslim sources soon after Muhammad proclaimed himself a prophet. At that time the quizzical Meccans, knowing little about monotheism, are said to have consulted the Medinan rabbis, in an attempt to put Muhammad to the test. The rabbis posed three theological questions for the Meccans to ask Muhammad, asserting that they would know, by his answers, whether or not he spoke the truth. According to later reports, Muhammad replied to the rabbis' satisfaction, but the Meccans remained unconvinced.

Muhammad arrived in Medina in 622 believing the Jewish tribes would welcome him. Contrary to expectation, his relations with several of the Jewish tribes in Medina were uneasy almost from the start. This was probably largely a matter of local politics. Medina was not so much a city as a fractious agricultural settlement dotted by fortresses and strongholds, and all relations in the oasis were uneasy. In fact, Muhammad had been invited there to arbitrate a bloody civil war between the Khazraj and the Aws Allah, in which the Jewish clans, being their clients, were embroiled.

At Muhammad's insistence, Medina's pagan, Muslim and Jewish clans signed a pact to protect each other, but achieving this new social order was difficult. Certain individual pagans and recent Medinan converts to Islam tried to thwart the new arrangement in various ways, and some of the Jewish clans were uneasy with the threatened demise of the old alliances. At least three times in five years, Jewish leaders, uncomfortable with the changing political situation in Medina, went against Muhammad, hoping to restore the tense, sometimes bloody-but predictable-balance of power among the tribes.

According to most sources, individuals from among these clans plotted to take his life at least twice, and once they came within a bite of poisoning him. Two of the tribes--the Banu Nadir and the Banu Qaynuqa--were eventually exiled for falling short on their agreed upon commitments and for the consequent danger they posed to the nascent Muslim community.

The danger was great. During this period, the Meccans were actively trying to dislodge Muhammad militarily, twice marching large armies to Medina. Muhammad was nearly killed in the first engagement, on the plains of Uhud just outside of Medina. In their second and final military push against Medina, now known as the Battle of the Trench, the Meccans recruited allies from northwestern Arabia to join the fight, including the assistance of the two exiled Jewish tribes. In addition, they sent envoys to the largest Jewish tribe still in Medina, the Banu Qurayza, hoping to win their support. The Banu Qurayza's crucial location on the south side of Medina would allow the Meccans to attack Muhammad from two sides.

The Banu Qurayza were hesitant to join the Meccan alliance, but when a substantial Meccan army arrived, they agreed.

As a siege began, the Banu Qurayza nervously awaited further developments. Learning of their intention to defect and realizing the grave danger this posed, Muhammad initiated diplomatic efforts to keep the Banu Qurayza on his side. Little progress was made. In the third week of the siege, the Banu Qurayza signaled their readiness to act against Muhammad, although they demanded that the Meccans provide them with hostages first, to ensure that they wouldn't be abandoned to face Muhammad alone. Yet that is exactly what happened. The Meccans, nearing exhaustion themselves, refused to give the Banu Qurayza any hostages. Not long after, cold, heavy rains set in, and the Meccans gave up the fight and marched home, to the horror and dismay of the Banu Qurayza.

The Muslims now commenced a 25-day siege against the Banu Qurazya's fortress. Finally, both sides agreed to arbitration. A former ally of the Banu Qurayza, an Arab chief named Sa'd ibn Muadh, now a Muslim, was chosen as judge. Sa'd, one of the few casualties of battle, would soon die of his wounds. If the earlier tribal relations had been in force, he would have certainly spared the Banu Qurayza. His fellow chiefs urged him to pardon these former allies, but he refused. In his view, the Banu Qurayza had attacked the new social order and failed to honor their agreement to protect the town. He ruled that all the men should be killed. Muhammad accepted his judgment, and the next day, according to Muslim sources, 700 men of the Banu Qurayza were executed. Although Sa'd judged according to his own views, his ruling coincides with Deuteronomy 20:12-14.

Most scholars of this episode agree that neither party acted outside the bounds of normal relations in 7th century Arabia. The new order brought by Muhammad was viewed by many as a threat to the age-old system of tribal alliances, as it certainly proved to be. For the Banu Qurayza, the end of this system seemed to bring with it many risks. At the same time, the Muslims faced the threat of total extermination, and needed to send a message to all those groups in Medina that might try to betray their society in the future. It is doubtful that either party could have behaved differently under the circumstances.

Yet Muhammad did not confuse the contentiousness of clan relations in the oasis with the religious message of Judaism. Passages in the Qur'an that warn Muslims not to make pacts with the Jews of Arabia emerge from these specific wartime situations. A larger spirit of respect, acceptance, and comradeship prevailed, as recorded in a late chapter of the Qur'an:
    We sent down the Torah, in which there is guidance and light, by which the Prophets who surrendered to God's will provided judgments for the Jewish people. Also, the rabbis and doctors of the Law (did likewise), according to that portion of God's Book with which they were entrusted, and they became witnesses to it as well…. Whoever does not judge by what God has sent down (including the Torah), they are indeed unbelievers. (5:44)
Some individual Medinan Jews, including at least one rabbi, became Muslims. But generally, the Jews of Medina remained true to their faith. Theologically, they could not accept Muhammad as a messenger of God, since, in keeping with Jewish belief, they were waiting for a prophet to emerge from among their own people.

The exiled Banu Nadir and the Banu Qaynuqa removed to the prosperous northern oasis of Khaybar, and later pledged political loyalty to Muhammad. Other Jewish clans honored the pact they had signed and continued to live in peace in Medina long after it became the Muslim capital of Arabia.

Muhammad's religious career is often divided into two periods: the Meccan Period which lasted for thirteen years, from the start of his revelations to his emigration to Medina; and the Medinan period, which lasted the remaining ten years of his life.

The Meccan Period is characterized by the more elliptical and otherworldly portions of the Qur'an, and by the story of the rejected and persecuted prophet. Had the assassination plot against him in 621 succeeded, his religious career would have been similar in broad outline to that of Jesus.

However, Muhammad escaped the trap set for him and went to live in the oasis of Medina. There he evolved from the charismatic head of a small group to the political and spiritual director of a large community. For the first time he had to wrestle with the challenges of creating a new society. The Qur'an continued to be revealed to him, but the focus of the message broadened now from the purely spiritual to include the more temporal issues of community building, lawmaking, and social institutions. Muhammad also came under formal military attack for the first time in Medina. Consequently, the Qur'an and Muhammad's teaching also focused on delineating the concept of the just war. Formal permission to fight is first applied in the Medinan Period:
    "They will question you concerning the holy month, and fighting in it. Say: 'Fighting in it is a heinous thing, but to bar people from God's way, to disbelieve in Him and the Holy Mosque and to expel its people from it - that is more heinous in God's sight; and persecution is more heinous than fighting." (Qur'an 2:217)
Through most of the Medina period, the Muslim community was in mortal danger and surviving in a defensive mode. Between 624 and 627 especially, the Muslim community was often quite literally fighting for its life. It is no accident that the concepts of jihad and martyrdom were developed at this time.

Though the Qur'an takes on more temporal issues in the Medinan Period, it does not abandon the notions of spiritual striving and God consciousness that were hallmarks of the Meccan Period. Even the concept of defensive warfare is placed within the larger concept of jihad as striving for what is right. Though jihad might involve bloodshed, it has the broader meaning of exerting an effort for improvement, not only in the political or military realm, but also in the moral, spiritual, and intellectual realms. Muhammad is often cited in Islamic tradition for calling the militant aspect of jihad the "minor" or "little" jihad, while referring to the improvement of one's self as the "greater" jihad.

Other revelations and rulings during this period concerned the proper treatment of prisoners of war and non-combatants, the sanction against killing innocent civilians, and the respectful treatment of enemy corpses (in contrast to the custom of the time, which was mutilation.) The wanton destruction of property or agricultural resources was put off limits too. Even words of consolation for prisoners of war are found in the Qur'an:
    "Prophet, tell the captives you have taken: 'If God finds some good in your hearts, He will reward you with something better than was taken away from you, and forgive your sins, for God is forgiving and kind." (Qur'an 8:70)
Various Muslim traditions define the time and place when the concept of martyrdom first appeared. One tells the story of a young man who becomes a Muslim and is killed the next morning in a skirmish. The young man's distraught wife comes to Muhammad, asking what will be the fate of her husband's soul, as he never prayed or performed even one act of worship. Muhammad answered that dying in defense of faith is the sign of ultimate submission to God. A person dying this way would be considered a martyr and go to heaven. At the same time, the Prophet warned against those who claim to be fighting for the sake of righteousness, but in fact are fighting for selfish or unjust reasons. Such a person will not be rewarded. Those who die in certain other ways, including women who die in childbirth and people who die in natural catastrophes including burning buildings, are considered martyrs too.

With many of the billion-plus Muslims living in poverty or oppression, Islam has become a rallying point for independence movements worldwide. Since jihad and martyrdom were placed within a religious context during the Medinan period, some of these independence movements have deployed the same concepts as sanctified tools for motivating combatants in the face of overwhelming odds. Thus, some seek a military solution to their political aspirations.

At the far end of the spectrum lies a fairly recent tendency to justify acts of terror with quotations from the traditions of Islam. This exercise in legal sleight of hand, placed beyond the pale by all except the terrorists themselves, has bred enormous doubt throughout the world about the essentially peaceful nature of Islam.

Especially since the tragic events of September 11, most religious scholars around the world have rejected these interpretations as spurious. Rather, they have re-emphasized the Prophet's saying that "the true jihad is only that which exalts God's word, which is truth." The Qur'an condemns as an ultimate act of blasphemy actions that attempt to dismantle the very fabric of existence by destroying and spreading ruin on the Earth. Elsewhere it states that God has willed Muslims "to be a community of moderation." (Qur'an 2:143)


The Jews of Old-Time Medina aka Yathrib (Saudi Arabia)


The Jews of Old-Time Medina aka Yathrib

Historical City of Madinah

  • The city of Madinah was originally known as Yathrib, an oasis city dating as far back as the 6th century BCE. During the war between Jews and Romans in the third century CE, many Jews fled Jerusalem and migrated to their ancestral place of Yathrib (present Madinah). Nero sent a massive Roman force under Petra Lenidas to Madinah to massacre the Jews in 213 CE. A community survived and by the time the Prophet (peace and blessings of Allah be on him) had migrated there was a large majority of Jewish presence in and around the city.

Nathan P. Baker of Walnut Creek, Calif., has a query about the city of Medina in Saudi Arabia, the second-holiest site of Islam after Mecca. “I was quite surprised,” he writes, “to learn that it was a Jewish city, called Yathrib, long before the time of Muhammad. Could you furnish me, please, with the dates, the number of Jews in Yathrib, when its name was changed, and how and when Muhammad drove the Jews out and the city became sacred to Islam?”
Medina, which is still called Yathrib in the Koran, was indeed a heavily Jewish city in Muhammad’s time. Its name in fact bears witness to this, because whereas “Yathrib” is a genuine Arabic name that can be found in old South Arabian inscriptions, “Medina” is not. It is a non-Arabic word that, while occurring in both Aramaic and Hebrew (accented on the middle syllable in the former and on the last syllable in the latter), almost certainly derives in this case from Aramaic.
The reason for this certainty is simple. The root of Aramaic-Hebrew medina is din, “law,” and medina in both languages denotes a place in which a given body of law or legal system is applied, i.e., an area of political jurisdiction. The difference is, however, that in Hebrew this area is a large one, while in Aramaic it is limited to a city. Thus, for example, in the book of Esther, which we read this week in synagogue in honor of Purim, the opening verse of the Hebrew text tells us that King Ahasuerus ruled over 127 medinas from India to Ethiopia — which the Targum, the canonical Jewish translation of the Bible into Aramaic, renders not as medinata, “cities,”but as pilkhin, “provinces.”
We thus know that whoever settled in Yathrib and gave it its non-Arabic name of “the Medina” or “the city” were originally Aramaic speakers from elsewhere. At first this was just a local usage employed by these immigrant Medinians for their town, just as New Yorkers, when talking among themselves, call New York “the city,” too. (If you come from Philadelphia, on the other hand, you call New YorkNew York,” just as other Arabians went on saying “Yathrib.”) This usage must then have spread to the Arabic-speaking population of Yathrib, which attached the Arabic definite article to make it “Al-Medina” (as Arabs call Medina to this day), a form then adopted by the Aramaic speakers when they eventually switched to Arabic themselves. And it is highly likely that these immigrants were Jews from Palestine or Babylonia, both Aramaic-speaking areas in the early centuries C.E., because we also know from Arab historians that, in Muhammad’s time, three large Jewish clans — the Banu-Nadir or “Sons of Nadir,” the Banu-Korayzeh and the Banu-Kainuka — dominated the city. In addition, there were in Medina two large non-Jewish clans, the Aws and the Khazraj, whose origins were in Yemen.
These same Arab historians, with an assist from the Koran, tell us the rest of the story. In the year 622, in his famous hijrah or migration, Muhammad left his home town of Mecca, in which his anti-pagan diatribes had aroused opposition, for Medina, the native city of his mother. He was invited there by the Aws and the Khazraj, who had been quarreling and — hearing of his new religion — hoped that it might unite them. It has been speculated that, influenced by the monotheism of their Jewish neighbors and rivals, yet not wishing to join them, they were the first of the Arab tribes to grasp the unifying potential of Islam.
After Muhammad’s move to Medina, war broke out between his new supporters and the Meccans. The Jewish clans of Medina remained neutral and were at first unharmed. But after an unsuccessful Meccan siege of Medina in 627, Muhammad accused the Jews of siding with the Meccans and attacked them, killing all 600 able-bodied men of the Banu-Korayzeh and enslaving or expelling the Banu-Nadir and the Banu-Kainuka. (This gives us a rough answer to Mr. Baker’s question about how many Jews were in Medina, since 600 “able-bodied” men would indicate a population — men, women and children — of several thousand for the Banu-Korayzeh and of five to 10,000 for all three clans.) There is a clear reference to this episode in Sura 33 of the Koran, known to Muslims as “The Clans,” in which we read:
And He [Allah] brought those of the People of the Scripture [the Koranic term for the Jews] who supported them [the Meccans] down from their strongholds, and cast panic into their hearts. Some ye [the faithful Muslims] slew, and ye made captive some. And He caused you to inherit their land and their houses and their wealth, and land ye have not trodden.
Muhammad and his followers also inherited the local name for Yathrib, “Al-Medina.” And in 629 they moved against another Jewish population, that of the oasis of Khaybar north of Medina, and expelled it from its homes, too. Yet despite the triumph of Islam, Jews continued to exist in the Arabian peninsula for a long time. The 12th-century Jewish traveler Benjamin of Tudela reported large numbers of them still living in the Khaybar region, and it was apparently only in the 15th or 16th centuries that the last remnants of them disappeared completely.
View of the City of Madinah at night
View of the City of Medina at night

Medina/Yathrib, Islam's second holiest city, was originally a Jewish "settlement" for over 2700 years


Medina/Yathrib, Islam's second holiest city, was originally a Jewish
"settlement" 

Although the fact is little publicized, more than one historian has affirmed at the Arab world's second holiest city, Medina, was one of the allegedly "purely Arab" cities that actually was first settled by Jewish tribes.1
And like the 16th Century English Protestants who financed their endeavors through the plunder of Catholic monasteries in England, the roots of Islamic anti-Semitism might be found in the initial plunder of Jewish settlements, and the imposition of a "poll tax" to fund Arab campaigns.
Bernard Lewis writes:
The city of Medina/Yathrib, some 280 miles north of Mecca, had originally been settled by Jewish tribes from the north, especially the Banu Nadir and Banu Quraiza. The comparative richness of the town attracted an infiltration of pagan Arabs who came at first as clients of the Jews and ultimately succeeded in dominating them. Medina, or, as it was known before Islam, Yathrib, had no form of stable government at all. The town was tom by the feuds of the rival Arab tribes of Aus and Khazraj, with the Jews maintaining an uneasy balance of power. The latter, engaged mainly in agriculture and handicrafts, were economically and culturally superior to the Arabs, and were consequently disliked.... as soon as the Arabs had attained unity through the agency of Muhammad they attacked and ultimately eliminated the Jews.2
In the last half of the fifth century, many Persian Jews fled from persecution to Arabia, swelling the Jewish population there.3 But around  the sixth century, Christian writers reported of the continuing importance of the Jewish community that remained in the Holy Land. For the dispersed Arabian Jewish settlers, Tiberias in Judea was central. In the Kingdom of Himyar on the Red Sea's east coast in Arabia, "conversion to Judaism of influential circles" was popular, and the Kingdom's rule stretched across "considerable portions of South Arabia."
The commoners as well as the royal family adopted Judaism, and one writer ports that "Jewish priests (presumably rabbis) from Tiberias ... formed part the suite of King Du Noas and served as his envoys in negotiations with Christian cities."4
According to Guillaume,
At the dawn of Islam the Jews dominated the economic life of the Hijaz [Arabia]. They held all the best land ... ; at Medina they must have formed at least half of the population. There was also a Jewish settlement to the north of the Gulf of Aqaba.... What is important is to note that the Jews of the Hijaz made many proselytes [or converts] among the Arab tribesmen.5
The first "Palestinian" or Judean refugees -- the Jews -- had resettled to become prosperous, influential Arabian settlers.
The prosperity of the Jews was due to their superior knowledge of agriculture and irrigation and their energy and industry. Homeless [Jewish] refugees in the course of a few generations became large landowners in the country, [the refugees who had come to the Hijaz when the Romans conquered Palestine] controllers of its finance and trade.... Thus it can readily be seen that Jewish prosperity was a challenge to the Arabs, particularly the Quraysh at Mecca and ... [other Arab tribes] at Medina.
The Prophet Muhammad himself was a member of the Quraysh tribe, which coveted the Jews' bounty, and
when the Muslims took up arms they treated the Jews with much greater severity than the Christians, who, until the end of the purely Arab Caliphate, were not badly treated.6
One of the reasons for "this discrimination" against the Jews is what Guillaurne called "the Quran's scornful words" regarding the Jews7 The Jews' development of land and culture was a prime source of booty in the Arabian desert peninsula. Beginning at the time of the Prophet Muhammad and Islam8from the expulsions, depredations, extortion, forced conversions or murder of Jewish Arabians settled in Medina to the mass slaughter of Jews at Khaibar -- the precedent was established among Arab-Muslims to expropriate that which belonged to the Jews. Relations between the Prophet Muhammad and the Jews were "never ... easy":
They had irritated him by their refusal to recognize him as a prophet, by ridicule and by argument; and of course their economic supremacy ... was a standing irritant.9
It appears that the first "instigation" by the Prophet Muhammad himself against the Jews was an incident in which he had "one or two Jews ... murdered and no blood money was paid to their next of kin."
... Their leaders opposed his claim to be an apostle sent by God, and though they doubtless drew some satisfaction from his acceptance of the divine mission of Abraham, Moses, and the prophets, they could hardly be expected to welcome the inclusion of Jesus and Ishmael among his chosen messengers.10... the existence of pockets of disaffected Jews in and around his base was a cause of uneasiness and they had to be eliminated if he [Muhammad] was to wage war without anxiety.11
Because the Jews preferred to retain their own beliefs,
a tribe of Jews in the neighborhood of Medina, fell under suspicion of treachery and were forced to lay down their arms and evacuate their settlements. Valuable land and much booty fell into the hands of the Muslims. The neighboring tribe of Qurayza, who were soon to suffer annihilation, made no move to help their co-religionists, and their allies, the Aus, were afraid to give them active support. 12
The Prophet Muhammad's pronouncement: "Two religions may not dwell together on the Arabian Peninsula."13 This edict was carried out by Abu Bakr and Omar 1, the Prophet Muhammad's successors; the entire community of Jewish settlements throughout northern Arabia was systematically slaughtered. According to Bernard Lewis, "the extermination of the Jewish tribe of Quraiza was followed by "an attack on the Jewish oasis of Khaibar."14
Messengers of Muhammad were sent to the Jews who had escaped to the safety and comfort of Khaibar, "inviting" Usayr, the Jewish "war chief," to visit Medina for mediations.
Usayr set off with thirty companions and a Muslim escort. Suspecting no foul play, the Jews went unarmed. On the way, the Muslims turned upon the defenseless delegation, killing all but one who managed to escape. "War is deception," 15 according to an oft-quoted saying of the Prophet.16
The late Israeli historian and former President, Itzhak Ben-Zvi, judged the "inhuman atrocities" of the Arabian communities as unparalleled since then:
... the complete extermination of the two Arabian-Jewish tribes, the Nadhir and Kainuka' by the mass massacre of their men, women and children, was a tragedy for which no parallel can be found in Jewish history until our own day .... 17
The slaughter of Arabian Jews and the expropriation of their property became Allah's will. According to the Koran,
... some you slew and others you took captive. He (Allah] made you masters of their [the Jews'] land, their houses and their goods, and of yet another land [Khaibar] on which you had never set foot before. Truly, Allah has power over all things.18
Guillaume reports that the anti-Jewish attack at Khaibar was fiercely fought off, but "though the inhabitants fought more bravely here than elsewhere, outnumbered and caught off their guard, they were defeated."19 Those who somehow survived constituted the formula for Islam's future successes. Some of the Jews, "non-Muslims" or infidels, "retained their land," at least until Muslims could be recruited in sufficient numbers to replace the Jews. Meanwhile, the Arabian Jews paid a fifty-percent "tribute," or tax, for the "protection" of the new plunderers. As Professor Lewis writes, "The Muslim victory in Khaibar marked the first contact between the Muslim state and a conquered non-Muslim people and formed the basis for later dealings of the same type."20
Thus the Jewish dhimmi evolved [the protected ones] -- the robbery of freedom and political independence compounding the extortion and eventual expropriation of property. "Tolerated" between onslaughts, expulsions, and pillages from the Arab Muslim conquest onward, the non-Muslim dhimmi-predominantly Jewish but Christian too -- provided the important source of religious revenue through the "infidel's" head tax. He became very quickly a convenient political scapegoat and whipping boy as well.

1.Salo W. Baron, A Social and Religious History of the Jews, 3 vols. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1937), 1, pp. 308T
2. Lewis, Arabs in History, p. 40.
3. S. Safrai, "The Lands of the Diaspora," in A History ofthe Jewish People, Ben-Sasson, ed., p. 380.
4. S. Safrai, "From the Abolition of the Patriarchate to the Arab Conquest (425-W)," in History of the Jewish People, Ben-Sasson, ed., pp. 358-359. Of this little-known history Safrai writes: "Twice the Jews of Himyar succeeded in throwing off Ethiopian domination; even in the eyes of Byzantium it was a Jewish kingdom, small but occupying a strategic position. The king of Himyar prevented Byzantine traders from passing through to India on the grounds that Jews were being persecuted in Roman lands. Byzantium was reluctant to risk a war so far away in South Arabia, but was able to persuade Ethiopia to take up its quarrel. The king of Himyar hoped for Persian aid, but there was a lull in the fighting between Rome and Persia at the time, and the Persians did not appreciate the importance of this outlet from the Red Sea being controlled by an ally of Byzantium. Du Noas fell in a battle against an invading Ethiopian army, and the Jewish Kingdom came to an end."
5. Guillaume, Islam, pp. 11-12.
6. Ibid., p. 12.
7. Ibid. See examples in Chapter 4.
8. For details of the Prophet Muhammad-Ab-u al-Qasim Muhammad ibn'Abd  Alla ibn 'Abd al-Muttal-ib ibn Hashim-see Guillaume, Islam, pp. 20-54; the "tradi-
tional" biography of Muhammad (Arabic) is Ibn Hisham's recension of Ibn Ishaq's
al-Sira al-Nabawiyya, 2 vols. (Cairo, 1955); The Life of Muhammad, abridged
English trans. by A. Guillaume (Karachi, 1955). Cited by Norman A. Stillman, Jews of Arab Lands, A History and Source Book (Philadelphia, 1979), p. 6, n. 9. See also Lewis, Arabs in History.
9. Guillaume, Islam, p. 43.
10. Ibid., pp. 43-44.
11. Ibid., p. 44.
12. The Nadir tribe. Ibid., p. 46. Also see Stillman, Jews of Arab Lands, pp. 8-10, for a study of "exclusively Muslim" sources, tracing Muhammad's "face-to-face contact with a large, organized Jewish Community," an "encounter" that "did not prove to be an auspicious one." The Nadir tribe in Medina went to Khaibar in "exile," Stillman, Jews~ p. 14.
13. Salo W. Baron, Social and Religious History, Vol. 1, p. 311. He cites Muwatta, in Al-Zurkani's commentary IV, p. 71.
14. Lewis, The Arabs in History, p. 45.
15. Al-Bukhari, al-Jami al-Sahih, bk. 56 (Kitab al-Jihad, Bab 157), ed. M. Ludolf Krehl (Leiden, 1864), Vol. 2, p. 254, cited by Stillman, Jews, p. 17. According to Stillman, "This hadith appears in several other canonical collections."
16. Stillman, Jews~ p. 17, citing Ibd Sa'd, Kitab al-Tabaqat al-Kabir, ed. by Edvard Sachau et al. (Leiden, 1909), Vol. 2, pt. 1, pp. 66-67; al-Waqidi, Kitab al-MaghaZ4 Vol. 2, pp. 566-68; Ibn Hisham, al-Sira al-Nabawiyya, Vol. 2, pp. 618-619.
17. Itzhak Ben-Zvi, The Exiled and the Redeemed (Philadelphia, 1961), p. 144. Also see Stillman, Jews, p. 14ff.
18. The Koran, Surah 33, v. 26-32, Dawood translation.
19. Guillaume, Islam, p. 49.
20. Lewis, Arabs, p. 45.

On the fast track to Tel Aviv: A sneak peek at Jerusalem’s transport revolution - 100 mph Train Tel-Aviv to Jerusalem in 25 minutes




UNDER THE HOLY CITY, TRANSFORMATION GATHERS PACE

On the fast track to Tel Aviv: A sneak peek at Jerusalem’s transport revolution

260 feet down, the 100 mph train is officially mere months from inauguration, as part of a radical overhaul of the entrance to Israel's capital


  • Engineer Gadi Ramon points to an area inside Yitzhak Navon Railway Station, Jerusalem, that can be hermetically sealed off, October 27, 2017 (ToI staff)
    Engineer Gadi Ramon points to an area inside Yitzhak Navon Railway Station, Jerusalem, that can be hermetically sealed off, October 27, 2017 (ToI staff)
  • Stairs from street level to the open-sky entrance area outside Yitzhak Navon Railway Station, Jerusalem, October 27, 2017 (ToI staff)
    Stairs from street level to the open-sky entrance area outside Yitzhak Navon Railway Station, Jerusalem, October 27, 2017 (ToI staff)
  • A group gets ready for a tour of Yitzhak Navon Railway Station, Jerusalem, October 27, 2017 (ToI staff)
    A group gets ready for a tour of Yitzhak Navon Railway Station, Jerusalem, October 27, 2017 (ToI staff)
  • Looking skywards from the entrance area outside Yitzhak Navon Railway Station, Jerusalem, October 27, 2017 (ToI staff)
    Looking skywards from the entrance area outside Yitzhak Navon Railway Station, Jerusalem, October 27, 2017 (ToI staff)
  • Cascades of escalators inside Yitzhak Navon Railway Station, Jerusalem, October 27, 2017 (ToI staff)
    Cascades of escalators inside Yitzhak Navon Railway Station, Jerusalem, October 27, 2017 (ToI staff)
  • Looking down to platform level deep inside Yitzhak Navon Railway Station, Jerusalem, October 27, 2017 (ToI staff)
    Looking down to platform level deep inside Yitzhak Navon Railway Station, Jerusalem, October 27, 2017 (ToI staff)
  • Emerging from tunnels beneath Shazar Boulevard, where traffic will run from the entrance to Jerusalem, October 27, 2017 (ToI staff)
    Emerging from tunnels beneath Shazar Boulevard, where traffic will run from the entrance to Jerusalem, October 27, 2017 (ToI staff)
  • Tunnels beneath Shazar Boulevard, where traffic will run from the entrance to Jerusalem, October 27, 2017 (ToI staff)
    Tunnels beneath Shazar Boulevard, where traffic will run from the entrance to Jerusalem, October 27, 2017 (ToI staff)
Beneath our feet at the entrance to Jerusalem, two highly complex development projects that aim to revolutionize access to the capital are rapidly advancing. Last weekend, the project managers briefly opened parts of the two sites for an enthralling sneak peak.
The one that’s officially far closer to fruition is the Jerusalem-Tel Aviv fast train, which is supposed to be up and running — or, more accurately, 260 feet down and running — as early as April.
The state comptroller warned last week that the 7 billion shekel ($2 billion) project will miss its deadline bigtime, and may not be ready before the end of December 2019. But Gadi Ramon, an engineer on the landmark project who led our small group of interested Israelis on a tour of the train’s Yitzhak Navon Jerusalem Station, insisted “there’s a very good chance that it will open on time.” (The visit was part of the Jerusalem Open House series of events.)
Looking skywards from the entrance area outside Yitzhak Navon Railway Station, Jerusalem, October 27, 2017 (ToI staff)
Getting from the new station — situated between Jerusalem’s Central Bus Station and the International Conference Center (ICC) — to Tel Aviv in the promised half-hour or less has proved to be an immensely complicated challenge; an Israel Railways video calls it “one of the most complex projects in the world.”
As Ramon explained, fast trains need a minimum of inclines, and the straightest possible tracks, in order to go, well, fast. But Jerusalem is a hilly city; reaching Tel Aviv by car, as we all know, involves numerous curves to circumvent the hills on the way down.
A bridge on the Jerusalem-Tel Aviv fast train route, July 2017 (Gidi Avinary/Flash90)
To overcome the inclines, and to keep the tracks as straight as possible, therefore, the developers had to sink the station those 260 feet (80 meters) below ground at the entrance to the city — making it one of the deepest stations anywhere — and build a succession of five tunnels and several miles of bridges along the route between Jerusalem and the Latrun area.
Construction of a bridge going over Emek Ha’arazim outside Jerusalem, for the Jerusalem-Tel Aviv fast train, seen on December 20, 2015. (Hadas Parush/Flash90)

Inside the station

To this inexpert eye, the Jerusalem station seemed ultra-modern and highly impressive… and a lot more than six months away from completion.
Stairs from street level to the open-sky entrance area outside Yitzhak Navon Railway Station, Jerusalem, October 27, 2017 (ToI staff)
You go down short flights of stairs, escalators or elevators to a large entrance area, which is open to the sky, and then walk into the station proper for the beginning of the descent to the ticketing hall.
Looking down into Yitzhak Navon Railway Station, Jerusalem, October 27, 2017 (ToI staff)
From there, elevators whisk you down the remaining 200 feet to platform level in 20 seconds.
Cascades of escalators inside Yitzhak Navon Railway Station, Jerusalem, October 27, 2017 (ToI staff)
Remarkably, you don’t feel that you’ve left your stomach behind at the top. You can also use escalators and, if you’re on a fitness kick, even take the stairs. Ramon said “I walked it once,” with the unmistakable air of a man who would never, ever do it again.
Elevators to and from the platforms at Yitzhak Navon Railway Station, Jerusalem, October 27, 2017 (ToI staff)
Out of the elevators, there’s another short descent to the platforms — a final level where we were not allowed to set foot, and where, every ten minutes at peak times, electric-powered trains are set to swish us all away to Tel Aviv at speeds of up to 100 miles (160 kilometers) an hour.
We’ll ride in double-decker carriages. And our phones will work.
Looking down to platform level deep inside Yitzhak Navon Railway Station, Jerusalem, October 27, 2017 (ToI staff)
We didn’t see any trains; at the ticket hall level, there were certainly no ticket counters. But the stairs, the escalators and elevators are installed and functioning. The temperature-controlled air ventilation units are ready. And our guide was exuding confidence.
“Good people are working on this,” Ramon said firmly. “And we’re taking no shortcuts, I promise.”
Construction at the Jerusalem station of the Jerusalem-Tel Aviv fast train, December 2015. (Hadas Parush/Flash90)
A film clip we were shown at the ticketing level exalted Israel Railways’ track record (forgive the pun): 52 million journeys a year (as of 2015); 200,000 passengers a day; 431 trains; 56 stations; 95 percent punctuality.
Explaining why this project has been taking so long, another official, encountered a little later on in our tour, suggested that the electrification process had proved more complicated and time-consuming than anticipated; this will be the first electric line in the country. For his part, Ramon highlighted what he termed a “massive lawsuit” brought by one of the firms that failed to win a tender as a central source of past delays.
Construction at the Jerusalem station of the Jerusalem-Tel Aviv fast train, December, 2015. (Hadas Parush/Flash90)
Whenever it does get going, the fast train will run 24-6 (which I assume means not on Shabbat), with a stop at Ben-Gurion Airport (21 minutes to and from Jerusalem), hooking up to the existing Nahariya-Modiin line as it speeds into Tel Aviv’s Hahagana Railway Station. (The old 80-minute or so service via Beit Shemesh will not be discontinued, Ramon noted, adding gently that it’s very scenic “but it wasn’t built for speed.”
President Reuven Rivlin tours the construction site of the new Jerusalem railway station, June 1, 2016. (Mark Neyman/GPO)
Later on, he said, the line is set to extend to Herzliya. There has been mention of a Jerusalem-Modiin track. There could have been a stop at Mevasseret, Ramon noted, but environmental objections held sway against it.
At the Jerusalem end, there is talk — and only talk at this stage — of extending the underground tracks along Jaffa Road and into the Old City. How implausible does that sound?
A double-decker carriage at Tel Aviv’s Savidor Central Railway Station (Tomer Neuberg/Flash90)
These ultra-modern trains will have drivers, Ramon assured us. Thing is, it takes a full one kilometer to come to a halt from a speed of 100 mph. So the driver wouldn’t be able to respond in time to any danger he or she spots; instead, a “very advanced” signaling system will warn of any problems.
Ramon said it will take about seven minutes from entering the station to reaching the platform, including security checks, and about the same time to get back out. (Unless, again, you prefer the stairs; be warned: it’s the equivalent of 24 stories.)
If you happen to be inside at the time of a non-conventional weapons attack, you’ll also be pleased to learn that parts of the ticket hall level can be completely sealed off, with space for 2,500 people, and food and water for days.
This way to the trains. Escalators inside Yitzhak Navon Railway Station, Jerusalem, October 27, 2017 (ToI staff)
At the ‘Jerusalem Gateway’
Meanwhile, a short walk from the railway station, on Shazar Boulevard where for decades the Foreign Ministry operated out of a sprawl of prefabricated buildings, more underground engineering is proceeding apace.
Here, in striking contrast to the 260-feet depths nearby, tunnelers are working just 10 to 20 feet below street level, cutting out a route that will take motorists between the Calatrava “Bridge of Strings” at the city entrance to Agrippas Street. The complex will include a 1,500-car parking lot, and is but one element of the massive “Jerusalem Gateway” development that is to remake the entire city entrance area.
By the time it’s all done, several of this project’s senior planners said, the country’s largest transport hub will be here — with two Jerusalem light rail lines, the fast train and the bus station. The area will feature the Middle East’s largest conference center — a much expanded ICC. The ICC will include its own hotel — contributing a small proportion of the 2,000 hotel rooms that are to go up in the new district. In all, there’ll be two dozen new buildings — five of them skyscrapers rising to 40 stories.
The planners promise “a modern entrance to historic Jerusalem” — a commercial and a recreational district, in the best possible location, with plenty of green. Asked about any possible resemblance between the planned skyscrapers and west Jerusalem’s Holyland eyesore, one of the engineers insisted that the high-rises here were topographically appropriate. He said the new buildings would take some 15 years to complete, but the first of them would be ready in four.
Tunnels beneath Shazar Boulevard, where traffic will run from the entrance to Jerusalem, October 27, 2017 (ToI staff)
The part of the project we donned hard hats to see — the tunneling work for the traffic route and the parking lot — has been going on for the past two years, without the public being aware of it. “We couldn’t close the entrance to Jerusalem for four or five years,” one of the engineers said.
So the digging has proceeded, meter by meter, just below ground level, reinforced by steel arches every 10 feet. “It has to be pretty stable,” this engineer said with magnificent understatement. “We don’t want to find a bus in the middle of our project.”
Emerging from tunnels beneath Shazar Boulevard, where traffic will run from the entrance to Jerusalem, October 27, 2017 (ToI staff)
Reduced disruption to the public means higher costs and slower progress. The tunnels are supposed to be open in about five years. Traffic disruption most certainly will feature in the interim, however, with a likely three-year closure of the Shazar Boulevard route into the city, and private cars diverted to a widened Herzl Boulevard.
The entire traffic reorganization represents a radical prioritizing of public transport, the engineers said — connecting up the expanded light rail, bus services and the jewel in the crown, the fast train to Tel Aviv.
A group gets ready for a tour of Yitzhak Navon Railway Station, Jerusalem, October 27, 2017 (ToI staff)
“We tried to think of everything,” engineer Gadi Ramon had told us back in the underground station. Then he’d added, disarmingly but just a little bit troublingly, “I’m sure we didn’t.”
An artist’s rendering of the Yitzhak Navon Railway Station, Jerusalem (Israel Railways)


UNDER THE HOLY CITY, TRANSFORMATION GATHERS PACE

On the fast track to Tel Aviv: A sneak peek at Jerusalem’s transport revolution

260 feet down, the 100 mph train is officially mere months from inauguration, as part of a radical overhaul of the entrance to Israel's capital

  • Engineer Gadi Ramon points to an area inside Yitzhak Navon Railway Station, Jerusalem, that can be hermetically sealed off, October 27, 2017 (ToI staff)
    Engineer Gadi Ramon points to an area inside Yitzhak Navon Railway Station, Jerusalem, that can be hermetically sealed off, October 27, 2017 (ToI staff)
  • Stairs from street level to the open-sky entrance area outside Yitzhak Navon Railway Station, Jerusalem, October 27, 2017 (ToI staff)
    Stairs from street level to the open-sky entrance area outside Yitzhak Navon Railway Station, Jerusalem, October 27, 2017 (ToI staff)
  • A group gets ready for a tour of Yitzhak Navon Railway Station, Jerusalem, October 27, 2017 (ToI staff)
    A group gets ready for a tour of Yitzhak Navon Railway Station, Jerusalem, October 27, 2017 (ToI staff)
  • Looking skywards from the entrance area outside Yitzhak Navon Railway Station, Jerusalem, October 27, 2017 (ToI staff)
    Looking skywards from the entrance area outside Yitzhak Navon Railway Station, Jerusalem, October 27, 2017 (ToI staff)
  • Cascades of escalators inside Yitzhak Navon Railway Station, Jerusalem, October 27, 2017 (ToI staff)
    Cascades of escalators inside Yitzhak Navon Railway Station, Jerusalem, October 27, 2017 (ToI staff)
  • Looking down to platform level deep inside Yitzhak Navon Railway Station, Jerusalem, October 27, 2017 (ToI staff)
    Looking down to platform level deep inside Yitzhak Navon Railway Station, Jerusalem, October 27, 2017 (ToI staff)
  • Emerging from tunnels beneath Shazar Boulevard, where traffic will run from the entrance to Jerusalem, October 27, 2017 (ToI staff)
    Emerging from tunnels beneath Shazar Boulevard, where traffic will run from the entrance to Jerusalem, October 27, 2017 (ToI staff)
  • Tunnels beneath Shazar Boulevard, where traffic will run from the entrance to Jerusalem, October 27, 2017 (ToI staff)
    Tunnels beneath Shazar Boulevard, where traffic will run from the entrance to Jerusalem, October 27, 2017 (ToI staff)
Beneath our feet at the entrance to Jerusalem, two highly complex development projects that aim to revolutionize access to the capital are rapidly advancing. Last weekend, the project managers briefly opened parts of the two sites for an enthralling sneak peak.
The one that’s officially far closer to fruition is the Jerusalem-Tel Aviv fast train, which is supposed to be up and running — or, more accurately, 260 feet down and running — as early as April.The state comptroller warned last week that the 7 billion shekel ($2 billion) project will miss its deadline bigtime, and may not be ready before the end of December 2019. But Gadi Ramon, an engineer on the landmark project who led our small group of interested Israelis on a tour of the train’s Yitzhak Navon Jerusalem Station, insisted “there’s a very good chance that it will open on time.” (The visit was part of the Jerusalem Open House series of events.)
Looking skywards from the entrance area outside Yitzhak Navon Railway Station, Jerusalem, October 27, 2017 (ToI staff)
Getting from the new station — situated between Jerusalem’s Central Bus Station and the International Conference Center (ICC) — to Tel Aviv in the promised half-hour or less has proved to be an immensely complicated challenge; an Israel Railways video calls it “one of the most complex projects in the world.”
As Ramon explained, fast trains need a minimum of inclines, and the straightest possible tracks, in order to go, well, fast. But Jerusalem is a hilly city; reaching Tel Aviv by car, as we all know, involves numerous curves to circumvent the hills on the way down.
A bridge on the Jerusalem-Tel Aviv fast train route, July 2017 (Gidi Avinary/Flash90)
To overcome the inclines, and to keep the tracks as straight as possible, therefore, the developers had to sink the station those 260 feet (80 meters) below ground at the entrance to the city — making it one of the deepest stations anywhere — and build a succession of five tunnels and several miles of bridges along the route between Jerusalem and the Latrun area.
Construction of a bridge going over Emek Ha’arazim outside Jerusalem, for the Jerusalem-Tel Aviv fast train, seen on December 20, 2015. (Hadas Parush/Flash90)

Inside the station

To this inexpert eye, the Jerusalem station seemed ultra-modern and highly impressive… and a lot more than six months away from completion.
Stairs from street level to the open-sky entrance area outside Yitzhak Navon Railway Station, Jerusalem, October 27, 2017 (ToI staff)
You go down short flights of stairs, escalators or elevators to a large entrance area, which is open to the sky, and then walk into the station proper for the beginning of the descent to the ticketing hall.
Looking down into Yitzhak Navon Railway Station, Jerusalem, October 27, 2017 (ToI staff)
From there, elevators whisk you down the remaining 200 feet to platform level in 20 seconds.
Cascades of escalators inside Yitzhak Navon Railway Station, Jerusalem, October 27, 2017 (ToI staff)
Remarkably, you don’t feel that you’ve left your stomach behind at the top. You can also use escalators and, if you’re on a fitness kick, even take the stairs. Ramon said “I walked it once,” with the unmistakable air of a man who would never, ever do it again.
Elevators to and from the platforms at Yitzhak Navon Railway Station, Jerusalem, October 27, 2017 (ToI staff)
Out of the elevators, there’s another short descent to the platforms — a final level where we were not allowed to set foot, and where, every ten minutes at peak times, electric-powered trains are set to swish us all away to Tel Aviv at speeds of up to 100 miles (160 kilometers) an hour.
We’ll ride in double-decker carriages. And our phones will work.
Looking down to platform level deep inside Yitzhak Navon Railway Station, Jerusalem, October 27, 2017 (ToI staff)
We didn’t see any trains; at the ticket hall level, there were certainly no ticket counters. But the stairs, the escalators and elevators are installed and functioning. The temperature-controlled air ventilation units are ready. And our guide was exuding confidence.
“Good people are working on this,” Ramon said firmly. “And we’re taking no shortcuts, I promise.”
Construction at the Jerusalem station of the Jerusalem-Tel Aviv fast train, December 2015. (Hadas Parush/Flash90)
A film clip we were shown at the ticketing level exalted Israel Railways’ track record (forgive the pun): 52 million journeys a year (as of 2015); 200,000 passengers a day; 431 trains; 56 stations; 95 percent punctuality.
Explaining why this project has been taking so long, another official, encountered a little later on in our tour, suggested that the electrification process had proved more complicated and time-consuming than anticipated; this will be the first electric line in the country. For his part, Ramon highlighted what he termed a “massive lawsuit” brought by one of the firms that failed to win a tender as a central source of past delays.
Construction at the Jerusalem station of the Jerusalem-Tel Aviv fast train, December, 2015. (Hadas Parush/Flash90)
Whenever it does get going, the fast train will run 24-6 (which I assume means not on Shabbat), with a stop at Ben-Gurion Airport (21 minutes to and from Jerusalem), hooking up to the existing Nahariya-Modiin line as it speeds into Tel Aviv’s Hahagana Railway Station. (The old 80-minute or so service via Beit Shemesh will not be discontinued, Ramon noted, adding gently that it’s very scenic “but it wasn’t built for speed.”
President Reuven Rivlin tours the construction site of the new Jerusalem railway station, June 1, 2016. (Mark Neyman/GPO)
Later on, he said, the line is set to extend to Herzliya. There has been mention of a Jerusalem-Modiin track. There could have been a stop at Mevasseret, Ramon noted, but environmental objections held sway against it.
At the Jerusalem end, there is talk — and only talk at this stage — of extending the underground tracks along Jaffa Road and into the Old City. How implausible does that sound?
A double-decker carriage at Tel Aviv’s Savidor Central Railway Station (Tomer Neuberg/Flash90)
These ultra-modern trains will have drivers, Ramon assured us. Thing is, it takes a full one kilometer to come to a halt from a speed of 100 mph. So the driver wouldn’t be able to respond in time to any danger he or she spots; instead, a “very advanced” signaling system will warn of any problems.
Ramon said it will take about seven minutes from entering the station to reaching the platform, including security checks, and about the same time to get back out. (Unless, again, you prefer the stairs; be warned: it’s the equivalent of 24 stories.)
If you happen to be inside at the time of a non-conventional weapons attack, you’ll also be pleased to learn that parts of the ticket hall level can be completely sealed off, with space for 2,500 people, and food and water for days.
This way to the trains. Escalators inside Yitzhak Navon Railway Station, Jerusalem, October 27, 2017 (ToI staff)
At the ‘Jerusalem Gateway’
Meanwhile, a short walk from the railway station, on Shazar Boulevard where for decades the Foreign Ministry operated out of a sprawl of prefabricated buildings, more underground engineering is proceeding apace.
Here, in striking contrast to the 260-feet depths nearby, tunnelers are working just 10 to 20 feet below street level, cutting out a route that will take motorists between the Calatrava “Bridge of Strings” at the city entrance to Agrippas Street. The complex will include a 1,500-car parking lot, and is but one element of the massive “Jerusalem Gateway” development that is to remake the entire city entrance area.
By the time it’s all done, several of this project’s senior planners said, the country’s largest transport hub will be here — with two Jerusalem light rail lines, the fast train and the bus station. The area will feature the Middle East’s largest conference center — a much expanded ICC. The ICC will include its own hotel — contributing a small proportion of the 2,000 hotel rooms that are to go up in the new district. In all, there’ll be two dozen new buildings — five of them skyscrapers rising to 40 stories.
The planners promise “a modern entrance to historic Jerusalem” — a commercial and a recreational district, in the best possible location, with plenty of green. Asked about any possible resemblance between the planned skyscrapers and west Jerusalem’s Holyland eyesore, one of the engineers insisted that the high-rises here were topographically appropriate. He said the new buildings would take some 15 years to complete, but the first of them would be ready in four.
Tunnels beneath Shazar Boulevard, where traffic will run from the entrance to Jerusalem, October 27, 2017 (ToI staff)
The part of the project we donned hard hats to see — the tunneling work for the traffic route and the parking lot — has been going on for the past two years, without the public being aware of it. “We couldn’t close the entrance to Jerusalem for four or five years,” one of the engineers said.
So the digging has proceeded, meter by meter, just below ground level, reinforced by steel arches every 10 feet. “It has to be pretty stable,” this engineer said with magnificent understatement. “We don’t want to find a bus in the middle of our project.”
Emerging from tunnels beneath Shazar Boulevard, where traffic will run from the entrance to Jerusalem, October 27, 2017 (ToI staff)
Reduced disruption to the public means higher costs and slower progress. The tunnels are supposed to be open in about five years. Traffic disruption most certainly will feature in the interim, however, with a likely three-year closure of the Shazar Boulevard route into the city, and private cars diverted to a widened Herzl Boulevard.
The entire traffic reorganization represents a radical prioritizing of public transport, the engineers said — connecting up the expanded light rail, bus services and the jewel in the crown, the fast train to Tel Aviv.
A group gets ready for a tour of Yitzhak Navon Railway Station, Jerusalem, October 27, 2017 (ToI staff)
“We tried to think of everything,” engineer Gadi Ramon had told us back in the underground station. Then he’d added, disarmingly but just a little bit troublingly, “I’m sure we didn’t.”
An artist’s rendering of the Yitzhak Navon Railway Station, Jerusalem (Israel Railways)
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